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To all of them, I would like to express my warmest gratitude. There are few people to whom I am more indebted. It is with utmost appreciation that I express my gratitude and acknowledgment to those who made the US edition of this book possible.
Ezra Suleiman, a friend for decades and personally involved in both Jewish and French recent history, established the contact to the University of Michigan Press.
There, Melody Herr oversaw the project with stringency and enthusiasm, the stimulating effects of which were mutually reinforcing.
Susan Cronin carefully provided indispensable technical assistance while Jill Butler Wilson took care of the tedious task of copyediting the entire manuscript that was coordinated by Mary Hashman.
The Volkswagen Foundation generously funded the translation of the book from the German original. The decisive work on the US edition, however, was done by Ciaran Cronin, my translator.
This involved not only putting what I had written into flawless English prose but also discussing countless details of terminology, wording, and style, which required our exchange of dozens of e-mails and files back and forth.
The German manuscript of the present book and the revised version for translation were written mostly in Switzerland, in the Seeburg in Kreuzlingen.
I would like to express my thanks to the canton of Thurgau and to the city of Kreuzlingen for their hospitality. I beg the pardon of the Seepark administration for occasionally riding my bicycle on unmarked paths.
Within my family, the writing of this book met with special interest and support, to which the sad subject matter and the reports from the sources contributed.
I am grateful to my wife, Christiane, and my daughter Verena for cross-checking and critically commenting on the introduction. I thank Alexander and Leonie for their curiosity and their forbearance when I did not always come home punctually.
All remaining factual errors and weaknesses are entirely my responsibility. Some twenty years ago, when I started thinking about what ultimately became the subject of the present book, I met an American colleague, a guest professor at my department, with whom I shared my first vague ideas.
Although not at all in the same field, he took a spontaneous interest in my research and he told me why. His Jewish mother was deported from France under German occupation in World War II.
During the round-up prior to deportation, she literally tossed her baby boy, probably just a few weeks old, into the arms of a French woman standing at the curbside of the road.
The mother, according to all likelihood, was among those murdered in the gas chambers. The boy, however, was rescued and grew up without knowing his date of birth or original name.
His name does sound French though and although we lost sight of each other after the brief encounter in Konstanz I kept thinking, time and again, of the unlikely rescue of Richard Ned Lebow.
Which is why I dedicate this book to him in profound fondness and appreciation. Rummel, Death by Government Monopoly in the sale of ordinary goods and services is socially inefficient because it restricts output or supply.
This elementary argument has rarely been turned on its head. Many of these people had sought refuge in France against persecution by the Germans.
Most of them had been held in detention camps by the French authorities. After internment in the Drancy transit camp near Paris, the onward transport to Auschwitz followed some days or sometimes just hours later, under inhumane conditions in overfilled wagons.
These rights and duties correspond to human nature. They come from God. One can violate them but no mortal has the right to suppress them.
The Jews are men and women, just as the foreigners are men and women. One cannot do anything one pleases to these men, to these women, to these fathers and mothers.
They also belong to the human race; they are as much our brothers as the others. A Christian must not forget this. The archbishop was unaware of the scale of the crime that had commenced in plain view.
He was outraged by the fate of the people earmarked for deportation, the brutal conditions under which they were taken from the camps or arrested, and the fact that this was all being conducted with the approval of the French government in Vichy and exclusively by French authorities and police.
In other words, it was taking place in the unoccupied zone of France, where the German occupying power had not stationed troops or a police force and hence was not in a position to conduct or enforce the arrest and deportation of the Jews on its own.
In particular, it did not make any direct accusation against the government in Vichy or the French authorities and police. Despite this, it had a profound political impact.
It marked nothing less than the turning point in the persecution of the Jews in France in the years of the German occupation from to The pastoral letter of the archbishop of Toulouse ensured that other church dignitaries also made their protest public and that protests that had previously reached the leadership of the Vichy government through confidential channels now acquired public resonance.
This directly affected the domestic political power base of the Vichy regime. The Catholic Church was grateful to the regime for this.
Senior Catholic clergymen had even followed with approval the anti-Jewish laws enacted by the Vichy government on its own initiative since Thus the massive protest against the deportations of the Jews did not just come unexpectedly.
It impinged on the loyalty of a bastion of the power and hence the internal cohesion of the Vichy regime. The German occupiers in particular depended on political stability in France as the precondition for exploiting the French economy for their own war effort and for a resource-efficient deployment of their own troops.
In precisely these terms, the commander of the Security Police and the Security Service Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD [Sicherheitsdienst], or BdS in Paris, Dr.
Helmut Knochen, telegraphed the section head in charge in the Reich Security Main Office Reichssicherheitshauptamt, or RSHA , Adolf Eichmann, on 25 September Around ,, or 75 percent, of the , Jews registered in France in the fall of and in the summer of survived the German occupation.
The number of victims as a percentage of the Jewish population was relatively low,2 but 80, people nevertheless fell victim to the persecution.
They were thrown at the mercy of the German perpetrators by the Vichy government and its authorities or, especially in the final year of the occupation, were captured by the German special task forces and removed from their hideouts.
Between March and August , some 77, Jews were deported to Auschwitz and other extermination and concentration camps, where they were murdered in the gas chambers or perished through slave labor, starvation, and daily violence.
Between 3, and 4, Jews perished in the detention camps on French soil. The persistent decline in the numbers of deportees in France from September onward is clearly discernible.
It was a result of considerations of political expediency on the part of the SS, which relinquished the immediate implementation of the deportation plan developed by Adolf Eichmann after the French head of government, Pierre Laval, had drawn their attention to the protest of high-level church dignitaries and the negative domestic political impact of the deportations.
Around 77,, or 24 percent, of the Jews resident in France in would nevertheless be deported to Auschwitz, where virtually all of them were murdered in the gas chambers or perished as a result of forced labor, hunger, and violence.
In the Netherlands, by contrast, the deportation rate was 73 percent , of , Copyright Wolfgang Seibel. The present study has two objectives.
First, it attempts to explain why the very same actors who radicalized the persecution of the Jews a short time later went on to contain it.
The central thesis of the study is that the dynamic of the mass crime committed against the Jews under the German occupation in France from to was steered by the ambivalence of the power-sharing arrangement and that the radicalization or containment of the persecution depended on whether the key actors on the German and French sides who were competing for shares in power were forced to include the effect of moral norms in their calculations, even though they did not share these norms themselves.
Second, the study is concerned with the conclusions to be drawn from this finding. The primary factor was the logic of reciprocity in negotiation systems, the willingness to accept immoral bargains, and the limits to which such bargains are subject.
The assumptions are based on both empirical evidence and theoretical considerations. The SS, the central agency of the persecution and terror, was initially merely one of these rivaling authorities.
But its influence increased continually from the beginning of the war onward, and its leadership left no doubt that it regarded itself as the decisive power elite in a Europe under German hegemony.
From the summer of , the SS first had to struggle to achieve the position of power in France, Belgium, and the Netherlands that it had already achieved in the Reich and in the Polish territories occupied since September The persecution of the Jews served as an important means in this power struggle in which the SS leadership sought to reconcile the political goal of relative dominance with the organizational goal of an effective administration of the persecution.
For this reason, conventional notions concerning the role played by bureaucracy in planning and realizing the persecution and extermination of the Jews need to be relativized.
Weberian concepts of bureaucracy as the backbone of a totalitarian machinery of state and as a smoothly functioning tool of a political leadership, such as those underlying earlier studies on the role of the administration in the Holocaust,6 tend to be misleading.
Closer to the reality of the National Socialist terror apparatus are contributions to the theory of bureaucracy that emphasize the competition for power and influence within and between administrative bodies7 and that do not neglect the network-like structures of the persecution apparatus.
This dependence was especially acute in the case of France because of the strategic importance of the country for the German conduct of the war.
In so doing, he overruled more far-reaching demands by Italy that would have adversely affected France.
It also jealously guarded its competences in its own occupied zone in southeastern France. In and , this would save the lives of tens of thousands of Jews who would otherwise have been arrested and deported by the French police under the collaboration agreements with the Germans.
Hitler, as he reiterated in his Directive No. This was especially true in the pivotal domain of the police, control over which was, from the German point of view, decisive for implementing the persecution measures against the Jews.
Researchers who have studied the political and administrative relations between the Germans and the French with regard to the persecution of the Jews have mainly depicted the German and French measures as being either mutually complementary or a product of direct collaboration.
Michael Mayer, in his comparative study of the roles played by the German and French ministerial bureaucracies in drafting the anti-Jewish legislation, points to the fact that the German occupying power in France was fundamentally unable to permanently cross the threshold separating segregation policy from extermination policy, because of its dependence on the French administration and police.
Its basic premise is that the powersharing arrangement between the German and French authorities gave rise to diverse forms of interaction that, in turn, had ambivalent effects on the persecution of the Jews.
The two quotations at the beginning of this introduction allude to this ambivalence. The conventional assumption formulated by Rudolph J.
Power sharing, not the monopolization of power, shaped the relations between the occupying power and the domestic authorities in this area as well.
Sometimes, the dynamic of power sharing had the effect of unleashing persecution; at other times, the absence of a German monopoly on power had the effect of containing persecution.
However, this situation in particular extended the range of practical options open to the French side. The political bargain on which the German-French agreements rested continued to include inducements for the Vichy government to cooperate in the mass arrests and deportations of the Jews, but it simultaneously included a de facto veto option.
Vichy exercised its veto option when the involvement in the mass arrests and deportations became too costly in domestic and foreign political terms.
Playing an important role instead were the relevant modes of interaction between the two sides, according to whether it placed emphasis more on rivalry or on cooperation, and the associated political cost-benefit calculation on the Vichy side.
The result of this calculation and hence the question of the expediency of the collaboration with Germany in the domain of the persecution of the Jews acquired increased importance in the stable form of state collaboration than under the unstable conditions of unclarified questions of competence and mutual rivalry.
The classification itself goes back to Raul Hilberg25 and still fulfills an important heuristic function.
But it necessarily neglects the complex political and organizational conditions governing an occupying regime in which the persecution of the Jews was embedded and therefore also the constantly changing and internally contradictory configurations of the key actors and their logics of action.
Laub, in his study of the German occupation regime in France between and , analyzed the multifaceted tactical twists in occupation policy and the internal tensions and conflicts of the German occupation administration, the authorities in Berlin to which it reported, and the numerous satellite organizations in occupied France.
But they later adopted a passive stance on the implementation of the deportation and marginalized the radical antiSemites within their own government apparatus.
Mixed Motivations and the Mobilization and Demobilization of Coperpetrators The third and most important premise on which the approach of this book is based concerns the rationality governing the actions of those involved.
This issue has prompted a sometimes heated debate. The logic of political utilitarianism that spurred collaboration also operated in the opposite direction once the circumstances changed.
Nevertheless, both partners, Laval and the SS, had an alert cynical appreciation of the moral norms that shaped not only the conduct of the church dignitaries but also, in particular, the behavior of the population and the response of public opinion.
This does not mean, however, that their conduct was erratic or that the rationalities governing their conduct were themselves arbitrary.
Once this plan had been adopted, the radical persecution of the Jews, including their physical elimination from mainstream society, was a fixed political goal for all of those directly or indirectly involved, independent of their own attitude, and was an operational administrative plan since the Wannsee Conference of 20 January The momentum and vehemence of the persecution of the Jews was a result of the fact that one did not need to be either a Nazi or an anti-Semite in order to participate in the persecution.
On closer inspection, this diagnosis is far more disturbing than the notion that the perpetrators and their helpers had to have had murderous motives.
If the boundaries between the perpetrators and their accomplices were fluid, perpetrators and accomplices could be indistinguishable when it came to the banality of their motives.
This normality was much more terrifying than all the atrocities put together. Opportunism or compatible interests often sufficed.
In essence, however, the banality and opportunism of coperpetrator motives is at once disturbing and reassuring. Unlike ideological zeal, opportunism is based on implicit calculation.
Once circumstances change, coperpetrator mobilization may falter as quickly as it was unleashed. To overemphasize anti-Semitism as a motivational factor in the implementation of the Holocaust would be not only to underestimate the potential for mass crime in the midst of society but also to ignore the potential for intervention and neutralization.
It is virtually impossible to change the mind-sets of zealous perpetrators, but it is possible to influence the opportunistic calculations of their accomplices.
What makes planned, organized mass criminality especially murderous is the institutionalization of diverse practical inducements.
It leads to the extensive mobilization of accomplices at the periphery through the mobilization of the many partial rationalities governing the actions of various authorities and administrative branches and their numerous personnel for the centrally planned persecution and extermination process.
Whether one participated in the collective crime or not remained, as Arendt observed, an individual decision and a question of individual responsibility.
The leading representatives of the Nazi regime themselves assumed that the moral exclusion of Jews remained fragile, and they went to great lengths to continually reignite anti-Semitism among the wider population and among the intellectuals.
The leadership of the regime was well aware that the division of labor among the authorities involved and their complexity as such could not really conceal the crime.
This is why the mass murder was consistently kept secret and why euphemisms were used even in internal communication between bureaus. By contrast, men like the cardinal and archbishop of Lyon, Pierre-Marie Gerlier, had nothing to lose by following their conscience and appealing to both the moral and the patriotic feelings of their fellow countrymen in the protest against the deportations of the Jews.
However, the moral core of these appeals was entirely free of utilitarian considerations. They are as much our brothers as the others.
This developed into the decisive barrier against the unlimited exploitation of the power-sharing arrangement between the occupying power and the representatives of the occupied country for the purposes of the persecution.
In this respect, the French case is a prime example of the mobilization and demobilization of accessories who help to launch a mass crime without intending to do so and who impede it even though they do not want to prevent it.
Research Design and Method: Identifying Causal Mechanisms and Critical Junctures, Establishing General Inferences In terms of theory and method, this study is a political science analysis of state-sponsored mass crime, informed by social science concepts of causality linking human action to structural conditions.
This leads to the question of how and to what extent the occupiers managed to exploit the power-sharing arrangement with the representatives of the occupied country for the persecution of the Jews.
The related question is where the limits of this exploitation lay and how they arose. The objective is neither the examination of covariances using a large number of cases nor the examination of single influential variables; it is, instead, theory-driven process tracing based on a single case.
Yet the SS tried, before and after the agreements with their French opposite numbers, to arrest and deport the Jews wherever possible, and thousands of Jews, in particular children, were taken in and rescued by French people.
Their behavioral patterns were shaped by individual key actors to whom the responsibility for actions and omissions can and must be ascribed.
The key players acted within an ideological and institutional context that constituted opportunities and constraints that, in turn, entailed the very causal mechanisms through which behavioral patterns were transformed into actual decisions.
We usually take for granted that the decisions of key actors were aggregated to produce a final outcome through legal and organizational implementation, although we find significant exceptions in the Italian occupation zone in southeastern France from November through September Opportunities and constraints changed over the course of time, as did the positions and practical dispositions of the key players.
Moreover, the attachment of the church to Vichy is the reason why this intervention was so effective. Clearly, therefore, structures, positions, and action strategies intermeshed in a partly counterintuitive way.
Graphic depiction of causal mechanisms. The drawback of a single case study is supposedly the lack of a test of external validity, or, to put it another way, the absence of generalizability.
This objection only applies to variable-based research in social science, however, against which it is also aimed in the relevant textbooks.
Here, too, the deportations were initiated in close collaboration with the home administration and police, only to be brought to an abrupt halt by the government; here, too, the moratorium was brought about by political pressure, specifically that of the United States and a number of neutral countries.
Without cooperation, certain problems cannot be solved. But at the same time, the occupying power will be concerned at least to defend its power advantage, whereas the representatives of the occupied country will be concerned to extend their power.
Therefore, they are predictable and hence generalizable. The same holds for bargaining, the basic mechanism that integrates rivalry and cooperation.
Bargaining is also predictable and hence generalizable, as is compromise formation based on this mechanism. Bargaining partners take their orientation both from what is acceptable as regards solving problems and from what is acceptable as regards their mutual power relations.
From the perspective of causal analysis, this is, at the same time, the essential causal mechanism linking causal factors with their effects.
The representatives of an occupying power and the representatives of an occupied country compete over a specific spectrum of key resources, but the outcome of this competitive relation cannot be predicted in advance.
Among the key resources are raw materials and productive resources and control over manpower, infrastructure, administrative apparatuses, legislative competences, and law enforcement agencies.
This situation was no different in the relations between German and French authorities in the years of the occupation. Because it was in possession of the manpower and the law enforcement agents and because the German dictator, out of military and geopolitical considerations, permitted it a government of its own, with its own legislative and administrative authority and its own armed forces in North Africa and the overseas territories, the French side had a comparatively strong starting position in the bargaining processes that were a feature of the everyday relations with the occupying power.
The representatives of the occupied country could also impose their will in particular instances against a reluctant occupying power.
They naturally sought to extend these opportunities, just as the German occupiers sought to restrict them to what was unavoidable.
However, the power rationality of the French side differed in one important point from that of the German side.
For the French side, the support of its own population and of societal groups was also an important factor. But it was even possible to capitalize on this in negotiations with the occupying power.
Demands for material or symbolic improvements that strengthened domestic support could be brought to bear in return for concessions that benefited the occupiers.
Conversely, precisely such concessions could occasionally be avoided by appealing to their domestic political costs.
These limitations of the assumptions concerning the characteristics of an occupying regime and the action orientations of its key players lead to the second methodological feature of this study, the specific character of causal process tracing.
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